“Run day and night with a weak escort in a hostile country, carry orders to isolated bodies through the ranks of the opposing army, cross at full speed the terrain plowed by all kinds of grapeshot, then, on the return, pass nights doing tedious paperwork, this is the job of aides-de-camp, described as lounge officers by their colleagues in the troops. Injustice is caused by jealousy of knowing them near the sun. » When the revolutionary events began, the general staff was organized with the regulation of August 12, 1788: if the function of aide-de-camp exists, it is not recognized. The aides-de-camp was officially created by the law of October 29, 1790. Their entire number was set at one hundred and thirty-six, four for the army general, two for the lieutenant general, and one for the field marshal. They are taken from all arms, their choice has to be confirmed by the king, which implies the retention of the general staff despite the change of general. In 1791, they received the buff color as distinctive, including a black plume with a buff top.
The decree of June 14, 1794, gave them a specific uniform, which was recognizable. It is composed of a coat of national blue cloth, lined with blue. The collar is reversed in celestial blue cloth. The national blue turnbacks with scarlet facings with white cloth facing tabs; cross pockets; scarlet cloth piping on the collar, legs, and pockets, and blue cloth piping on the facings. They wear a hat with gold wire braid six lines wide, with tricolor cockade and feathers. They have a national blue frock coat, with a celestial blue collar, scarlet facings, and white facing tabs as well as a sleeveless, national blue coat with a celestial blue collar. They will wear the gold epaulet of their rank. The law of April 3, 1795, turned the choice of aides-de-camp upside down. Now generals can take them in all weapons.
Republican standardization
It was a decree from the Directory which provided them with the most significant element: the armband. Indeed, the text of January 30, 1796, specifies that the aides-de-camp will wear on their left arm a small scarf consistent, in color and fringe, with that of the generals to whom they are attached. It is the same, by regulation, for the plume of their hat. On September 22, 1798, a new uniform was set for aides-de-camp. They wear the uniform of the regiments and demi-brigades of which they are a part, with the distinctive marks of their rank. They are distinguished by their embroidered and fringed cuff. Its color is the same as those of the generals' scarves, alongside whom they serve: that of the major general is red silk, that of the brigadier general is celestial blue silk. Their plume is without ostrich feathers or feathers; it is blue, white, red, and yellow at the top; height is three decimeters. The small uniform is a national blue tailcoat.
A regulated outfit
The regulation of September 24, 1803, redefines the uniform of aides-de-camp. Their full uniform coat is a tailcoat in national blue cloth, rolled up decorated with a gold embroidered half-frock with cross pockets. The collar and facings are sky blue. The jacket is in white cloth, the pants in blue cloth. The shoulder pads are lined with sky-blue cloth. They wear hussar boots. They have a small uniform coat which is the same type as the full uniform coat, with the difference being the hidden pockets.
They wear a frock coat in national blue cloth with reverse collar and sky blue facings, closed with two rows of buttons. They are equipped with a Vendémiaire model saber which hangs from a black leather belt, bordered by a serrated wand embroidered in gold, the plaque with the symbols of the function being in gold metal.
They wear on their left arm the armband embroidered with gold oak leaves, with gold fringes according to the rank of the officer: the aides-de-camp of the generals-in-chief have a white plume topped with red with a white armband; aides-de-camp to major generals, national blue plume topped with red with scarlet armband; the aides-de-camp of the brigadier generals, plume and sky blue armband.
Even if with this regulation the aides-de-camp are uniformly dressed, as indicated by the numerous military souvenirs, they often wear fanciful outfits; especially those attached to generals, who tolerate infractions of the rule to have, to escort them, more brilliant aides-de-camp.
This fantasy is already found in the belts, in black leather, red Morocco or even green Morocco. In the countryside, this belt can be made of white buffalo, sometimes fawn. What can we say about the pouches, which follow the same diversity? The clothes were also modified: the lapels appeared, as well as for some, a tab on the collar. For others, Hungarian braided breeches appear instead of pants.
Consular organizationThe Republic, faced with war, reorganized the aides-de-camp. The decree of August 12, 1793, fixed their number: six instead of four for the generals-in-chief, taken from the army officers. The Consulate then seeks to “have the elite of aides-de-camp.”
It was with the decree of October 8, 1800, reorganizing the staff and clearly defining the role of deputies, that the place of aides-de-camp was clearly defined. This decree specifies their situation and marks their difference with the deputies who were attached to the adjutants general as the aides-de-camp were to the generals. By this new decree, the deputies cease to be specially assigned to the adjutant commanders and take the title of deputies to the general staff of the army. With this decree, division generals are assigned three aides-de-camp, only one of whom can be squadron leader, and the others, captains or lieutenants; brigadier generals have two aides-de-camp, captains or lieutenants. However, the Minister of War realizes that their number will always be insufficient. From the 16th, he asked to increase the number of officers in the suite from two to three, or ideally to five “to provide all the aides-de-camp and deputies” (1). Likewise, he sought to increase the quality of men employed in these functions by prohibiting the functions of aides-de-camp to discharged and retired officers.
With the decree of November 5, 1800, the method of access to the function is defined: to be appointed, aides-de-camp must have completed at least two campaigns in this capacity or that of deputy or will be taken from among the officers who have served at least two years in the line troops. The government then chooses the skills and experience for this body on which important missions are based. It also differentiates between aides-de-camp and assistants to the general staff. The promotion of aides-de-camp is also discussed: to obtain a higher rank, they must have served two years in the immediately lower rank.
A trust function
From their training, aides-de-camp become an essential link in the tactical options of war. Indeed, victory or defeat may depend on the success of their mission and the transmission of clear and clear orders. For Napoleon, “staff officers are not assistants, but agents of command” (2).
During the Empire, “an aide-de-camp is an officer attached to the person of a general, a marshal or a sovereign, whose main role is to transmit the verbal or written orders he receives. It is essentially a matter of ensuring an effective connection between the head and the limbs. However, this officer must also be versatile to be able to fulfill any type of mission with which he is tasked, from terrain reconnaissance to intelligence and espionage, including participation in negotiations as a plenipotentiary” (3). If there are advantages linked to the function and the position of aide-de-camp, their missions are numerous, exhausting, and sometimes long. When the army prepares to enter the campaigns, these missions become numerous and exhausting, sustained at a frantic pace as things become organized and the fateful moment of entering the campaign approaches: thus, " At the end of the winter of 1812-1813, before the resumption of fighting, Flahaut was involved in three vast areas of mission: the re-establishment of the cavalry, communication between Napoleon and what remained of the Grande Armée in Germany and, more generally, the collection of information on the different training courses and their provision” (4). In the countryside, “without them, the movements of troops during a battle or the movements of an entire army lose all coherence” (5). They are also used for less dangerous purposes, but which contribute to their fatigue: visiting posts or carrying out topographical surveys. In fact, the “consumption” of aides-de-camp by generals was significant under the Empire, especially since their number would always be insufficient.
Among the advantages of the position is the obvious possibility of quickly climbing the hierarchical ladder and obtaining a senior officer certificate. Indeed, aides-de-camp, more than regimental officers, know the organizational workings of staff, have a full address book, and privileged relationships with decision-makers. Men of the world also, know the etiquette that governs the life of evenings and balls: they play out their careers in representation and are bearers of the image of their general.
Appointments: from competence to representation
The decree of February 16, 1805, specifies the number of aides-de-camp for generals by introducing the quantity attached to the distinction of marshal. The marshals have five aides-de-camp, including one from among the adjutants-commanders. Article 2 renews the figure from October 1800, namely three aides-de-camp to division generals, only one of whom can be squadron leader and the others captains or lieutenants. Brigadier generals have two aides-de-camp, captains or lieutenants. If their number does not change for generals, all of them, from now on, "will be entitled to vacant places in the foot and horse corps of the line, upon appointment by the government, when they are no longer employed as aides-de-camp" (6). However, this organization only proves effective in times of peace.
Indeed, after 1805, which saw the use of aides-de-camp in the countryside, it turned out that, through their continual travel, these officers were overworked, exposed, or put out of action: "I am dismounted, our marches have been so strong that I was forced to leave a horse on the way and the only one I have left will probably experience the same fate, I already have neither pants nor boots and it is impossible to be able to have them made, so I look more like a beggar than a superior officer” (7).
On September 17, 1806, Napoleon noted that the aides-de-camp of several generals including Andréossy, Rivaud, Maison, Werlé, Nansouty, Lahoussaye, Morand, Saint-Hilaire, Milhaud, and Latour-Maubourg, were permanently understaffed, a state accentuated by the losses experienced. Not only does he remind us that they must complete the number of their aides-de-camp up to the regulatory number, but that the latter must not be taken from the army regiments but from the corps stationed in France. In turn, on September 23, Berthier ordered the marshals to take eight aides-de-camp "including four lieutenants, young, active, to be used for rapid missions."
To make recruitment more flexible and allow a complete inventory of personnel, the selection criteria are left to the general officers: "The marshals [...] preferred subjects distinguished either by a recognized aristocratic name or by their bravery [...] as for the other generals, it seems that they let themselves be guided above all by their convenience and their relationships” (8). Thus, newly promoted brigadier generals maintain regimental sociability and often place their trust in officers of the regiment whom they have commanded, and therefore known. In search of military skills, generals also seek to rely on proven loyalty. If, like Marulaz with Charles Louis Bergeret, aide-de-camp from the 8th hussars, they recruit in their regiment, the generals also choose "countries", fellow citizens sharing the same roots and the same sociology like Joubert who hires Captain André, Bressan like him, or General Legrand who employs his brother. Exceptions to these practices are the generals of the learned arms, artillery, and engineers, authorized to take their aides-de-camp in their respective arms, in connection with precise technical knowledge.
The variegation
During the campaign of 1805, despite the establishment of a specific uniform, the hussar dress flourished in the general staff. This is how Lejeune represents aides-de-camp toasting victory on the eve of Austerlitz. This charming variegation remained in fashion until Berthier's call to order on March 30, 1807. It was compulsory to wear the uniform according to the regulations, namely the blue coat, sky blue collar, and aide-de-camp buttons. Only those of the marshals are authorized to wear a hussar uniform but in the colors of the aides-de-camp. This order was recalled on May 3 by Berthier: “Pelisse, dolman and blue pants with red collar and facings. Gold braids and braids. The colback for the winter and the shako for the summer” (9) for the aides-de-camp of the marshals and “dark blue coat with sky blue collar and hat” for those of the generals. The goal is not so much to suppress fantasy to adhere to military regulations as to allow good recognition of the function "so that His Majesty can recognize the aides-de-camp of a division or brigadier general, that of a marshal commanding an army corps, that of the major general and that of the princes”. Despite this formal call to order, Berthier was obliged to chase down the non-standardization of outfits according to his wishes: thus, during the campaign of 1809, he scolded an aide-de-camp of Ney who wore red pants.
However, these beautiful uniforms, however colorful they may be, do not withstand the reality of the terrain, the climate, and life in the countryside. After a few weeks, one of them confided: “We are made like devils and all our clothes are worn and dirty to the point of horror. » (10)
An understaffed corps
From October 1806, the staff found themselves expanded. However, the corps of aides-de-camp is of uneven quality. Indeed, forced to complete quickly, if we count valuable officers, often drawn from the regiments, there are also men tired by the constraints of war, even old, coming from the depots. Also, the custom was established of taking, without official title, officers in battalions or war squadrons although, from September 1806, the major general was warned that Napoleon would not accept this measure. Suspended for a moment, this usage is reestablished as soon as the need for officers to transmit orders arises.
With the decree of March 10, 1807, the doctrine of recruitment of aides-de-camp changed since officers coming from regiments could not be employed as aide-de-camp without being replaced. How is it possible for regiments to let experienced officers go? So, like the 88th of the line in 1809, when the regiments do not receive enough officers to make up for their losses, how can we think about removing experienced officers from the regiments to fill the staff? From then on, the number of aides-de-camp remained insufficient to provide service to the generals. However, it is essential to replace tired or injured aides-de-camp. During the truce that followed the campaign of 1807, it was considered using the aides-de-camp of wounded generals authorized to return to France. This is what Berthier ordered on April 7, asking them to go to the general staff to be employed there until their general returns. This measure does not seem to be to the taste of the aides-de-camp themselves, which forces Berthier to threaten them, if they return to France with their general, of being considered as having abandoned their post and, therefore deserters.
To this latent understaffing was added, from 1809, a recruitment which aimed to attach prestigious names, or even to promote his close entourage and his family, more than effective men: Marbot had the cruel experience of Wagram with Masséna and his son.
Choosing a rewarding career
If some of the aides-de-camp are chosen by the generals, another, like Flahaut, comes from soldiers requesting to serve as aides-de-camp. They believe that “ambition is the primordial vector […] which makes accession to this position a goal in itself” (11). For certain sons of soldiers, it was a way to prove themselves worthy of a paternal or family heritage, and for certain sons of emigrants to integrate into imperial society by reconnecting with an aristocratic family past. But the simple desire to become an aide-de-camp is not a means in itself. Like Flahaut, he must build his career and adopt an “appropriate state of mind, depending on his appointments to the staffs of Murat and Berthier” (12).
The place is all the more gratifying as the false announcements of reduction in force come like thunder, particularly in families: “Who the hell could have put it into your head that my general was not retaining his aides? Camp! Can he do without it? » (13). False, because the aides-de-camp know perfectly well that the corps is still understaffed: “On the contrary, it finds itself in the situation of taking two more. » (14)
À ce projet de carrière s’ajoutent la manière. Il faut en effet avoir la capacité financière de subvenir aux dépenses de sa fonction : payer les uniformes, les armes, l’équipement et les équipages. Ces dépenses se trouvent plus nombreuses lorsqu'ils ne sont pas en campagne et jouissent d'une sérénité reposante : « Je suis ici, chère amie, comme un gros fermier, c’est à dire parfaitement bien, je n’ai rien à désirer, mais je fais beaucoup plus de dépenses qu’à Raguse » (15) écrit Gentil, aide de camp du général commandant à Venise le 27 févier 1808.
Toutefois, ce choix de carrière, ou cette opportunité, n'est pas sans conséquence. En effet, à des conditions de travail difficiles s’ajoutent un quotidien tout aussi rude : « Nous couchons à présent sur la paille et nous avons difficilement des vivres, il faut espérer que cette pénurie ne continuera pas, ce serait fort malheureux » écrit Charles de Biarnois de Baine à sa femme le 10 octobre 1805. Ainsi, comme les officiers des troupes, les aides de camp vivent les mêmes pénuries ; ils sont victimes des vicissitudes du temps qu’ils reconnaissent comme « notre plus grand désagrément […] un temps affreux, une neige et une pluie continuelles, des chemins épouvantables et très froids. Nous ne pouvons sécher, aussi sommes-nous tous très enrhumés. » (16) Ils subissent aussi presque les mêmes privations frumentaires que la troupe, ou du moins s’en plaignent : « J'espère rapporter avec moi mon ancien goût pour la friandise avec d'autant plus de raison que nous faisons fort mauvaise chère depuis que nous sommes en campagne nous avons déjà été réduit à ne manger pour toute nourriture que des pommes de terre cuite à l'eau, sans pain, et de l'eau de marais pour breuvage, aussi nous sommes maigres comme des coucous. »
(1) Lettre du ministre de la Guerre au Premier Consul, 24 vendémiaire an ix, Archives nationales.
(2) Louis Maurer, « Les aides de camp sous le Premier Empire », La Giberne, Colombes, 1911.
(3) Philippe Munsch, Mise en perspective de la carrière d'un aide de camp sous le Consulat et le Premier Empire. Le cas de Charles de Flahaut de La Billarderie (1785-1815), thèse de l'ENC préparée sous la direction de Jacques-Olivier Boudon (Paris 4) et Christine Nougaret (ENC).
(4) Ibid.
(5) Vincent Rolin, The aides-de-camp of Napoleon and the marshals, Saint-Cloud Soteca, 2005.
(6) Louis Maurer, op. cit.
(7) Letter from Charles de Biarnois de Baine to his wife, Lübeck, November 7, 1806 (part. coll.).
(8) Louis Maurer, op. cit.
(9) The order of March 30 only gives the colback or furry cap.
(10) Letter from Charles de Biarnois de Baine to his wife, Spitz, near Dürnstein, 14 November 1805 (part. coll.).
(11) Philippe Munsch, op. cit.
(12) Ibid.
(13) Gentil, aide-de-camp to the general commanding in Venice on February 27, 1808 (quoted by Jérôme Croyet, Paroles de grognards, unpublished letters from the Grande Armée, Marseille, Éditions Gaussen, 2016).
(14) Ibid.
(15) Quoted by Jérôme Croyet, op. cit.
(16) Letter from Charles de Biarnois de Baine to his wife, on the Brenz river, near Ulm, October 13, 1805 (part. coll.).
(17) Letter from Charles de Biarnois de Baine to his wife, Lübeck, November 12, 1806 (part. coll.).
Blood money
Added to the difficult conditions of exercise of the function are the dangers of war, all the more present since aides-de-camp are privileged targets that a specific uniform makes more easily recognizable. The missions incumbent upon them lead them to the heart of the din of combat: “I had the reins of my bridle cut off by a cannonball and two others which fell at the feet of my horse but without causing me any other harm than cover myself with earth” (A). Thus, the mortality rate seems quite high: out of 1,456 aides-de-camp in service in 1809, 14% of them were injured or killed during that year. The most devastating year for them was 1809, with 188 injured and 20 dead, followed by 1812, with 179 injured and 25 dead. Between 1805 and 1815, 112 aides-de-camp died in combat; 1812 being the deadliest year. For the same period, 874 were injured. The most dangerous year was 1809, followed by 1812 and 1813 since 42% were wounded in combat during these three years. The battle of Moskowa was the deadliest, with 80 killed or wounded, followed by Leipzig, 61, Wagram, 51, and Essling, 38. The deadliest battle was the siege of Sagunto where only aides-de-camp were reported. killed and no injuries.
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